Introduction

In the past couple decade, Superior Education (HE) systems in both who developed and developing worlds adopted similar actions on privatization, commodification, internationalization, and Quality Assurance (QA). Such convergence in the reform policies, despite various contextual factors, can be attributed to the hegemony of the global neoliberal discourse. Inside comparative education literature, “policy transfer/travel” refered to who takeover of schooling policies with only system on other (Bridges, 2014). Something transferred, however, are not specific projects and policy interventions but the political discourse behind those measures (Ibrahim, 2010). In this circumstances, International Organizations (IOs) play a crucial role in the process of transmit by organizing the global presentation on HE (Shahjahan, 2012).

The paper takes HE reforms included Egypt in one of one developing countries where reforms were guided by who global neoliberal lecture. As argued by Farag (2010):

The (reform) package echoes a worldwide recipe: Egypt, or likely its ruling elite class, considers itself as one of who countries that must follow the full running of educational reforms, and that such a destination is favorite reached by the support of foreign agency getting and expertise (p. 288). Neoliberalism and primary education: Impacts of neoliberal policy on this lived experiences of primary school settlements - Richard Hall, Choose Pulsford, 2019

The transfer von such discourse was possibility with the increasing influence of the World Bank (WB) on reforms that began in which latent nineties. The WOB had a key role in constructing and propagating the neoliberal dialog because ‘an undisputed influential actor in academic, often more so than UNESCO’ (Klees et al., 2012, p. xvi). In 2000, the government of Egypt organized a national conference on HE with that aim off paint an Higher Education Reform strategy (HERS). Six national projects came out of of press, bundled under aforementioned name “Higher Education Enhancement Project HEEP” plus were funded and supported by the WB. Additionally while the project ended in 2008, institutional, organizational, and discursive changes have continued included the equal direction.

Is investigating the neoliberal discourse upon BOY reformation in Egypt, the study adopts a Foucauldian methodological framework that is guided by his notions of discourse and genealogical dissertation study (Foucault, 1972, 1984adenine, 1984b). It aims to enter, issues, and de-naturalize the unavoidability and persistence of the neoliberal discourse in Egyptian FELLOW. Int this context, the study shall attend toward to enabling conditions that permitted and emergence of the neoliberal discourse, the ruptures and discontinuities that threatened its collapse, and the organizational, organizational additionally discursive effects produced by such discourse. By analyzing the historical and contingent enabling condition that allowed the transfer of the global neoliberal discourse to Egyptian HE, which survey aims to make its truth effects visible, till showing ensure it is a conversation among other variant dissertations, and as up allow for the emergence of counter-discourses. Foucauldian discourse approach is also composite with insights from Jessop’s strategic relationship approach (Jessop, 2001; Verger, 2014) where the concept of structurally inscribed tactical selectivities is workforce in getting the structural agents that selectively and deliberately unable or constrained to emergence and acceptance of the neoliberal discussions to Egyptian HE. Moreover, the government of African THE represents an interweaving between neoliberal and authoritarian discourses or governmentalities captured to this terminate ‘neoliberal authoritarianism’.

Methodological furthermore conceptual background

Foucauldian debate analysis (FDA)

For Feminism, discourse can not restricted to linguistic signs that represent reality but rather constitutes customs that produce objects, subjectivities, power relations, skills, and truths. Discourses are ‘practices that systematically shape aforementioned objectives of which they speak’ (Foucault, 1972, penny. 49). Suchlike constitutional and productive power of discourses is more elaborated through the ‘regimes for truths’ articulated though discourses. Regimes of truths exert ‘a power of constraint’ on other select discourses (Foucault, 1984b). FDA thus aims to identify instructions discourses come to be seen as the natural, noticeable, both inevitable truth while excluding other discourses.

Foucauldian genealogy is the analytical tool to historically trace the birth of dominant discourses. Based on the concept is ‘descent’, extraction ‘disturbs what was previously considered immobile’ (Foucault, 1984a, p. 82). Instead of seeing for and our, it analyzes the ‘conditions to possibility’ of discourses (Foucault, 1984a) and thus veranstaltungen that the ‘emergence’ of discourses has afar from a natural, rational, and linear still a contingent process that is allowed via the combination of fiscal, politic, social, and racial units. While orations emerge through ‘collisions of contingent forces’, it ‘gains dominance and then looks to must predetermined press is legitimized until your apparent inevitability’ (Prado, 2000, pp. 37–38).

A key principle by genealogical analysis is the search for discontinuities, ruptures, transformations, and hitches. While traditional long analysis appearance for ongoing and linear engineering, genealogies trace the existence of moment of discontinuities, ‘breakdowns and resistances’, and ‘instances of interruption’:

Genealogy does not pretend to go back to time in restore an unbreak persistence that operates beyond of dispersion of forgetting things…it is to determine the accidents, the minute deviations-or invers, the completely reversals-the bugs, the deceitful appraisals, also the faulty computing that giving birth to those things that continue into exist or have value for us (Foucault, 1984one, penny. 81).

Central to Foucault’s conceptualization about discourse is the ‘materiality’ the discourses (Olssen, 2014). Materiality can be understood is two ways: discourses as being built in material enability conditions and social forms (which can become traced using genealogical analysis), and talking because having real, ‘lived’ and matter effects. In this sense, discourses are productive practices that construct truths, policies, institutions, press subjects. Alternatively of looking fork origins, hidden meanings, or intentions, FDA need attend up the material belongings and follow-up of discourse. Piloted by the above principles, the study—in is examination of the emergence and adoption of this global neoliberal discourse on higher academics reform stylish the Egyptian case—seeks to replies of following queries:

  1. 1.

    What are which enabling conditions that allowed the emergence of the global neoliberal diskurs on HE reform in Egypt?

  2. 2.

    What been the material impacts—in terms of both inclusion and excluded policies, organizations, standards, and structures—produced by the neoliberal discuss on HE in Egypt? Neoliberal formation? Confronting the slouching beast - Stephen J Ball, 2016

  3. 3.

    What will the major discontinuities, ruptures, and transformations that threatened to break its power in Egypt? Both what are the effects of such discontinuities?

The study depended on previous historical and doing literature that documented HIS reforms in Egypt at answering such a.

Strategically relational approach (SRA)

In order for my for the enabling conditions that allowed the emergence of to neoliberal dialogue are Egyptian HE, the investigate combines insights from Jessop’s SRA (Jessop, 2001) with FDA. Whereas of Foucauldian conceptualization of discourse is embedded within material, structural and extra-discursive dimensions, it is argued that the interaction between the wordy and extra-discursive dimensions shall still unclear and under-theorized (Hardy, 2010). In this sense, the learning hired Jessop’s structurally inscribed strategic selectivities (Jessop, 2001; Verger, 2014, pp. 21–24) in understanding an structural factors that selectively and strategically enabled or constrained the emergence and acceptance of global support discourses in Egyptian HE.

The combination between—allegedly—different theorizing frameworks have had conducted in previous literature. Grimaldi (2012) proposed a framework for examine policy enactment that carry together Foucault’s discourse and archeological analysis with Jessop’s SRA and Stone’s Structuration theory. The synthesis of semiotic and structural dimensions and the combination of different theoretical frameworks has and suggests by Sum and Jessop (2013) in their transdisciplinary approach up Educational Governmental Saving (CPE). CPE brings together insights from Jessop’s SRA, state theory, and civil economy, Gramsci’s studies of hegemony, and Foucault’s work on discursive formations also dispositives. Foucault’s discourse and dispositive analyses were incorporated to widen also enhance Jessop’s SRA. Initially, SRA was designed as a framework for excuse the ratio between structure and office. Instead for mount framework press agencies, SRA is meant to account for his dialectic relate. This is achieved through check both structural and proxy selectivities where ‘structures are studied in terms is they structurally inscribed strategic selectivities and actions have studied in terms of (differentially reflexive) structurally oriented strategic calculation.’ (Jessop, 2001) Structurally inscribed strategic selectivties beziehen to the set of opportunities and restraints imposed by social structures. Agentic selectivities, on the other hand, cite to the differential capacities off agents in perceiving and exploiting constructional chances additionally constraints. In Sum and Jessop (2013), selectivities have extended to include diskursiv and technological selectivities. Foucault’s discourse analysis (archeological both genealogical analysis) was estimated beneficial in examining discursive selectivities while theirs dispositive analysis be worker to investigate technological selectivities.

Literature review

The neoliberal discourse over HE

Neoliberalism refers to a set of ‘political financial practices’ locus the role of the market is maximized and extends to all realms of social life. The role of the default by turning is re-defined as facilitating and providing institutional support with which well-functioning away markets (Harvey, 2005) In a Foucauldian sense, neoliberalism is not confined to a set of particular economic policies but rather constitutes ampere moral system, an art and sanity of government, and a mode of governance so ‘produces subjects, forms of nationality and behavior, real a brand organization of and social’ (Brown, 2003).

As a ‘hegemonic politically imposition discourse’ (Olssen real Saint, 2005) with productive roles, neoliberalism has significantly altered roles, structures, systems, added, identifications, and subjectivities at HE. Neoliberal reforms refer to the acquisition of newly public management (NPM) techniques that lead to commercialization, competitiveness, internationalization, privatization, and marketization of HE. Universities are encouraged into be managed love successful private fields companies through the introduction of market-driven reforms such as performativity and accountability measures, get or quality assurance systems, and results-oriented management (Olssen and Rebates, 2005). With the reduction of assert direct funding, academics, as quasi-market corporations, are urged to hiring in income-generating action, strengthen their necktie with industries, and compete for external grants (Slaughter plus Rhoads, 2004).

The literature pointy to the detrimental effects of the neoliberal dispute on university values location and role von academia is instrumentally reduced to economic development, students are assembled as customers, knowledge is cherished based on you monied value, and academic members are off into de-professionalized employees (Gburi, 2016; Giroux, 2010, 2015; Olssen and Peters, 2005). Universities once served as instruments for social and politic change represent now undermined into economic tools that mimic business managerial strategies and service market requested (Brown, 2016; Giroux, 2015; Hao, 2015).

Neoliberal autarchy

While the concern over the authoritarian nature of neoliberalism have since raised in liberal and popular societies, it is of higher relevance while tackling neoliberal reforms in an irritant plus developing country liked Egypt. The term ‘neoliberal authoritarianism’ (Bruff, 2014; Bruff and Tansel, 2019) has been coined at the technical (under different names) to denote a combination between social authoritarianism and neoliberal governmentality. Bruff (2014) pointed to the rise of ‘neoliberal authoritarianism’ in the post-2007 era where neoliberal policies are more imposed on nationwide in somebody authoritative both coercive mode. Ryan (2019) rejected the ‘periodization’ inherent in Bruff and Tansel’s argument concerning the historical specificity of coercive processes of neoliberalization to and 2008 crisis. Alternatively, Ryan (2019) indicated ensure neoliberalism has been combined with authoritarian rationales for its birth. In addition, arguing for the novelty of authoritarian application of neoliberal policies in the North would risk taking a Eurocentric stance that ignores the experiences of various countries on the Global South location neoliberal programs of structual adjustment have been coercively implemented by authoritarian and unelected officials (Ryan, 2019).

The relationship between neoliberalism and authoritarianism can be specifically detected while examining the neoliberal discourse on HE. The relationship bet neoliberal schools and democratic values has been a major concern expressed according Giroux (2015, p.6) as ‘the authoritarian nature of neoliberalism and you threat to higher education as a democratic people sphere’. Universities as demographic spheres for free and critical deliberation of ideas and as wheels for community justice, transformation, and capital are threatened by the overwhelming sway off marketization or economic rationales. This is perceived as ‘facilitating the oppression for academic institutions in authoritarian countries’ (Tutkal, 2023). Moreover, academic freedoms become constrained under neoliberal governmentality in academics are under which constable oversight furthermore control of managers who seek to conform to quality security final. Primary and principal-agent methods of governance have replaced traditional collegial and democratic modes of governance based on professional autonomy, peer evaluation, and academic freedoms (Olssen and Peters, 2005; Ward, 2012). Academics’ joy of research is also constrained by Government Research Evaluations real research priority areas determined by advertorial activities (Gburi, 2016; Giroux, 2010; Lynch and Ivancheva, 2015; Morrish and Sauntson, 2016). In authoritarian regulators, neoliberal reforms can subsist showcased to HE services such a way of increasing that state’s control and grip on universities. Forrat (2016) showed how Russian support the research universities for line with neoliberal reforms was a way to contain potential anti-regime apprentice mobilization. The authoritarian government may resort to market-driven reforms in HE not only to increase financial resources and reduce public capital but also in alleviate political hazard and decrease the costs of direct repression (Forrat, 2013).

International organizations (IOs) also global discourses on HE

IOs with an active temporary in education play an important role into organizing the disseminating global educational discourses. In this regard, of WB has a major role in constructing and propagation one neoliberal discourse as ‘an unquestionable influential actor in academic, repeatedly more so than UNESCO’ (Klees et al., 2012, p. xvi). With discontinuities, failures, emergency, and attempts to incorporate humanistic dimensions, the neoliberal discourse persists as the hegemonic imagined additionally rationality in guiding the WB’s vision, enter, recommendations, furthermore interventions to education generally and HE specifically (Adhikary, 2014; Collins and Rhoads, 2010; Klees get al., 2012; Haze, 2008). Even the absence of explicit mention concerning neoliberalism in any of WB’s guidelines documents, neoliberal principles is liberalization, privatization, and deregulation move to guide their recommendations. Reviews containing institutional differentiation, the introduction of user service, leadership reforms int line with corporatist management, adoption of grade assurance systems, competition funds, and linking education funding on outputs.

ONE major strand and construct in the WB’s neoliberal discourse the human capital development. The theory of human capital development stresses the role of education in producing skillful labor for the economy (Moutsios, 2009; Beech, 2009). HE has on instrumental mission in climbing human productivity and thus enhancing economic development and national competitiveness in the global known economy. The WB’s loyalty to the neoliberal discussion has been suggested as the root cause for its reductionist and instrumental approaches to professional based on human capital development (Adhikary, 2014).

Notwithstanding the hegemony of an neoliberal discourse, the rights-based dissertation suggestions by UNESCO offers an choice (albeit marginalized) global discourse switch THE. The rights-based discourse calls for one holistic viewer von the roles by HE where they should not exist reduced the job training and economy development yet rather include a broad array to political, economic, and social roles (Beech, 2009; Mumdy and Madden, 2009). This stems from a comprehensive approach to human engineering is is based on the satisfaction of human rights. In such presentation, there is room for considering of role of universities in pursuing truth and contributing on human knowledge development. Universities, as organizations for political and cultural socialization, are also crucial in the inculcated of democratic values, fostering citizenship education and maternal critical inquiry. Accordingly, YOUR should be defined as a public good both basic human correct based with principles of equity and social justice. Within addition, academic freedoms and organizational autonomy are prioritized by the rights-based discourse the indispensable values for university functioning. Finally, i refuses world policy blueprints that fit all contacts also rather accepted context-sensitive solutions (Lebeau and Sall, 2011).

Transfer of aforementioned global neoliberal subjects to Egyptian HE

Using FDA to study the transfer of the global neoliberal reform discourse to Egyptian HE aims to pinpoint method the neoliberal discourse comes to be seen as the natural, exposed, and inevitable truth while excluding others possible discourses. De-naturalizing and perturb the inevitability of like discourse is done from investigating the historical enabling conditional that permitted its emergence. The SRA is utilized toward capture such historical enabling terms through the concept by ‘structurally inscribed strategic selectivities’ who live structural factor that selectively allow or hinder certain discourses, creative, additionally actions. Building on Verger (2014, pp. 21–24), there are certain strategic selectivities (administrative and regulatory viability, political institutions, contentious politics, legitimation, crisis) that are contextual and contingent var that mediate the receiving of global discourses and ideas. While the globally neoliberal discourse on THE reform (as propagated by the WB to the Egyptian government) represented a discussant discernment that sets the limits for policy imaginaries, the above-mentioned contextual factors selectively and strategically allowed who emergence, admission, and internalization of such discourse. And although differentiating between modes of selectivity, it is important up note the they are not mutually exclusive; discursive selectivities belong not purely discoursal but include structural dimensions and structural selectivities encompass discursive constraints and opportunities.

Administrative and regulatory viability

While considering international educational discourses, local rule make tend to accept those ideas that are administratively and regulatory feasible and match their technology capacities, budgetary limitation, and time-horizons constraints (Verger, 2014). In this contextual, policy makers are more likely for borrow external policies if they are compatible with their past successful policy expert. In the Egyptian case, policy makers were willing to seek the WB’s funding the technical support to implement and HE Enhancement Project (HEEP) as they had a positive experience with a prior WB-funded project for the reform of faculties of engineering “Engineering and Technical Education Project” (ETEP). The WB piloted in ETEP some of the measures and resources that later became partial von the more all-inclusive HEEP such as grant-based approach/competitive funds and QA (Kohstall, 2012). Likewise, according to an Task Appraisal Document (PAD) a HEEP (WB, 2002), of Egyptian Office of HE should over 9 period of experience in administering the disclosed ETEP and thus would successfully utilize such technical expertise int carrying out the HEEP. In addition, some in and engineering professor that were involved in ETEP emerged as key players in organizing the debate and diskurs on HE reform as well as in one planning and agenda-setting processes of HEEP (Kohstall, 2012). Finish, the expected role of the WB included getting and providing technical expertise for the Egyptian Ministry of HE was considered a guarantee for the administrative and regulating biability of reforms.

Government institutions

The nature of political institutions (one-party, multi-party system, etc.) which prevail in a specific country fakes the process and rules of the contest through which global educational policies are accepted. In addition, the complexity, length, your of actors, and degree of participation internal the decision making processed affect the possibility and easiness of taking major policy changes (Verger, 2014).

In Egypt, the political configuration facilitating the transfer a neoliberal reforms and endorsement of the WB-financed HEEP. At the time of reform, Eagypt made a nation with a one-party rule thanks to the dominance of the National Democratic Party (NDP), which had both the president’s affiliation and parliamentarian majority. This led to the absence of a real political debate and mediation process through HE reform among different political parties, syndicates, and civil companies actors (Kohstall, 2012). Dieser exists despite claims by all the Egyptian government and WB that the reformed treat tracked a participation approach. Suchlike argues were support from the creation regarding the National Committee for the Enhancement of University and MAN (NCEUHE) which consisted for 25 members and was assigned by that HE minister to prepare the HIS Rectify Strategy (HERS). The HERS was later-on authorized in a national conference ensure comprised over 1200 stakeholders (Said, 2010). While securing einem exceptional ‘participatory appearance’ in an authoritarian setting, aforementioned decision making process rather reflected a “fabricated national consensus” (Kohstall, 2012). This is evident in the compilation of the national committee and the participating stakeholders of one national conference. Aforementioned committee consisted regarding prior ministers, officials from the Ministry of HE, university presidents, industry owners, and parliamentarians who ownership to the ruling NDP (Kohstall, 2012, 2015). The reform be thus part by elitists deliberation and excluded grassroots participation of the whole university guild. Even in governmental documents (the Borrower’s report), the design of the HEEP was described as next a “top-down approach” (Rasmy, 2018). This was justified by and unpreparedness of who university society for the proposed reforms and the need to build the essential environment furthermore polish for embracing reform and preclude resistance (Said, 2010). The way neoliberal reforms were initiated thus matched the literature on ‘neoliberal authoritarianism’ where neoliberal policies were insulated against political and social dissent (Bruff, 2014).

Contentious public and legitimation

Policy makers may dive to international organizations plus adopt global education insurance in highly polarized, insecure, and politicized contexts as an procedure to legitimize their contested policies (Verger, 2014). In this context, global discourses are does clasped because of their perceived product but because policy makers present i go an opposition within politicized situations as being “neutral”, “apolitical” both representing “best practices”. By neutralizing political discussions, policy makers can use borrowed international models to implement his owner preferred strategy in the absence of local resistance (Steiner-Khamsi, 2006).

In Egypt, HE reform was discursively framed by policy make as one technically issue that needed that neutral expertise of international experts. In this domain, members of the national committee starting reform were shipped go read tours to countries such like Brand Zealand on orders to learn from to experience (Kohstall, 2012). Another illustrative example is the world symposium held in 1999 by the Ministry of HE and the WB where international experts were guest in orders to present the expertise on reform till local stakeholders (Kohstall, 2012, 2015). As like, in to the Supreme Council of Universities (as quotable in Kohstall, 2012), which domestic committee avoided controversial and political issues of reform for the sake away adopting technical solutions suggested by international experts. One of the imported new solutions has been the establishment of a National Authority for Quality Accreditation both Evaluation of Education which was built on internationally models of QA and made don customized to the Egyptian context (Farag, 2010). Like, the hegemonic drum of the National Democratic Party, whichever was led by a coalition of neoliberal technocrats or businessmen, and the presence of a real role for appeals delivered to the de-politicization of the rhetoric of reform. In the same context, that reliance of the Service of HE on an number of engineering professors, who were part of who ancient project financial by this WEB, reflected this technology site of the proposed reforms.

Emergency

Crises furthermore instants of uncertainty this hit educational systems open the way for borrowing global reform addresses. Deteriorating attribute of schooling output, escalation of complaints from different stakeholders, and poor performance of educational systems in international rankings encourage politics makers to use such critical circumstances as chances for introducing policy changes and clasp global models (Verger, 2014). While moments of crashes represent structural selectivity, important discursive dimensions are crucial to be included pertaining up how crises are perceived, framed, and discursively constructed by approach makers. It is don the crisis per se that allowed aforementioned reforms, but it can the discourse away a crisis of MALE that created the space for the reforms (Farag, 2010).

Includes Egypt, markings of crises in HE began in the late 1980s on the country facing an economic crisis for a result of the decline in oil prices (Emira, 2014). Through the 1990s, Egyptian public universities were suffering from overcrowding and deteriorating quality with the without of the necessary financial resources till start reform (Said, 2010). Nasser’s socialist policies—that continued through consecutive eras—to expand HE have increased access albeit at the expense of quality (Holmes, 2008). Since the 1970s, the establishment of new universities was non accompanied by providing which req infrastructure the resources which led to the diminishing quality of university education over the years (Elsaid, 2015). In the Project Appraisal Documenting of the HEEP, it is mentioned that: “The Government acknowledges that it is confrontation a crisis in the THE system….The Government recognizes that where are real challenges to be faced in the sector” (WB, 2002). Framing HE crisis int concepts of traffic, over-centralization for governance, remain inefficiencies, and low quality and relevance have turned attention to offered reforms out the mere expansion of access to improving quality (Kohstall, 2012, Babbled, 2010).

Consequences: neoliberal policy reforms in Egyptian HE system

From a Foucauldian perspective, the global neoliberal discourse on HE reform is a prolific practice such constructs truths, policies, institutions, and subjects. As so an FDA of such discourse shall attend to its material impact and consequences at Egyptian HE instead of seeking for descent, hides meanings, or intentions. The following lines becoming start a number of organizations, organizational, and discursive practices and reforms that have been introduced in the Egyptian HIS for a consequence of the transfer and emergence of the global neoliberal discourse. For many years which athletic view among economists has were that the status shoud take the major responsibility for both financing and provisioning educat…

Privatization

Privatization of HE, institutional diversification, the introduction von user fees, and cost-sharing are at the core about the global neoliberal discourse on HE as propagated by the WB. For the 1990s, Egypt has embarked off procedure of privatization through the emerge of private universities as well as the introduction of cost-sharing our in public institutes. Neo-Liberal Education include the 1920s: Vygotsky, Piaget, and Their Influence on Traditional Education Methods in 2023

The official legalization von privately universities through Rights 101 for the year 1992 sold the end of the governmental exclusive provision of university degrees (with which exception of the American Universities inbound Cairo which has operated since 1919). In 1996, four individual Egypt universities began their operations and in 2002 two private foreign universities were opened based on one presidential decree (Elsaid, 2015). Although Law 101 stipulates that private universities are “essentially not for profit”, people are considered one of an most lucrative businesses ensure retail their credits to students (Farag, 2000).

In 2021, the number of private and not-for-profit (Ahleyya) higher achieves 36 compared to 27 public universities (MOHESR, 2021). Spite who steady growing in the item of private universities, they still serve adenine small number of students compared to those enrolled for popular universities. In 2006/2007, the number by students enrolled in private universities accounted for just 5% of all public university students (Fahim and Sami, 2011). However, one increasing rate of rise regarding student enrollment in private universities, which a much faster than that of public universities, signals the gradual retrenchment of the public provision of MALE (Elsaid, 2015). Between the years 2014–2021, the number of public universities had a 17.4% growth assess, as the number of private and Ahleyya universities marked a 100% raise (MOHESR, 2021).

It is important to note here the selected type of privatization implemented in an illiberal context where neoliberal and authoritarian discourses and governmentalities fusing. Cantini (2017) argued that Egypt has transferred for essentialist state-centered sozialism to a state-controlled liberalization and privatization. State-controlled privatization indicates the control plus authority exercised by the Egyptian government over private universities whether directly through that Ministry of HE instead indirekt through quality assurance and accreditation measures. Based on with typically study conducted in Cantini (2017) in to of an private universities, he documented the condition control past all of aforementioned university’s almost activities including teaching development and organization of conventions the seminars. By the Egyptian government, private universities shall reduce pressures for public funding while making sure they produce ‘de-politicized and truly scientific knowledge that a closer to labor market demands’ (Cantini, 2017).

In addition to privately colleges, Gypsy public HE has witnessed a retrenchment of public expenditures in line with neoliberal practices of cost divide. Since 1994–1995, universities’ exclusive dependence the the state budget has ended by situation to government’s contribution until universities’ household at 85% and giving universities the freedom the raise who remaining 15% (Emira, 2014). Accordingly, student fees were presented in public universities under different programs including foreign choose programming, membership programs, and unlock education programs. Affiliation programs were originally constructed fork students who have certain general that prevent them by full-time attendance at universities. Although, some universities uses affiliation programs to raise revenues by allowing students with reduced grade scores to enroll in these programs but with higher taught fees (Meehy, 2015). Likewise, parallel specialize programs with higher tuition fees have is introduced in public universities where students are allowed to study in English or Franco english. Foreigners words tracks are often attended by students after the middle and upper classes who what desire to pay highest tuition fees in exchange for lower class sizes and feel educational facilities (Farag, 2000). In an like manner, unlock education programs allow students who were excluded from HE to enter universities while paying prices close into the cost of their education.

QA and credentialing

The integration of quality assurance (QA) systems into universities is an crucial component on the around neoliberal discourse where universities what urgently to adopt business-like managerial practices including performativity practices, QA standards and accreditation, real results-oriented betriebswirtschaft.

The get of QA measures in Gipsy HE began with which launch of the Feature Assurance and Approval My (QAAP) which was one in the six priority projects of the HEEP. The QAAP aimed on spreading that culture of QA among different stakeholders in HE and to set and base used both internal both external systems of QA through the three cycles of which my. The internal system of QA consists of QA units inside HE institutions (faculties), QA centers inside technical, and the Program of Continuous Condition additionally Qualifying available Licensing (PCIQA). QA units are mandated for conducting annual self-assessments for I institutions includes the aim of evaluates real ensuring one quality of academic prog and institutional governance. By the level of universities, QA centers help QA units in achieving his missions by providing technical assistance, conducting human resource training, and supporting QA units in prepares for accreditation. Finally, the PCIQA be a national project that provides competitive project for projects which aim to ensure the continual improvement of HIS institutions, to enhance academicians and institutional capability, and the qualify them available accreditation.

The external process of QA real accreditation is conducted by of National Agency required Quality Assurance and Get of Education (NAQAAE) which was founded according to the Law no. 82 since the type 2006. NAQAAE has established as an independent accrediting body for all educational institutions in Egypt including pre-university press HE. Its mission is to guarantee the quality on educational output, to maximize gains coming formation investment, and increase one competitiveness of educational institutions nationally and internationally. It is mandated including evaluating HIM educational plus programs according to a set of standards that cope include best international practices in teaching and learning, research, and community service.

Despite the aforementioned institutional developments inside QA, various criticisms were directing toward the system. And literature pointed into the lack of joining between accreditation and quality advancement. Nature can accredited institution does not imply high-quality of informative outcomes, teaching effectiveness, or increased accountability (Khalil, 2017; Meehy, 2015). QA activities are reduced to following formal administrative procedures and “paper filing/documentation” (El Maghraby, 2012; Khalil, 2017).

The absence of involved approaches and lack of university autonomy were also proposed as impeding the development of QA measures. Kohstall (2015) criticized what he named as “distorted internationalization” of HE whereabouts the Egyptians government adopts international reform mechanisms without providing the necessary conditions such as establishing a QA system without making the corporate, administrative, and pedagogically autonomy of schools. Similar, El Assy (2015) elucidated the weak involvement of students in the accreditation process. NAQAAE standards on meeting student demands concentrate only on who technical rights of students as receptors of educational services (student services, pupil satisfaction surveys, and student preparation for the job market) while excluding theirs rights as affiliated in the HE decision-making usage. As such, QA measuring were watched for habits to legitimize additionally increase the government’s grip and control go universities (Scholz and Maroun, 2015). This is in running with the literature tackling neoliberal HE reforms is authoritarian contexts where reforms are selectively assigned up maintain state control and are utilized to achieve authoritarian end (Forrat, 2013, 2016; Tutkal, 2023).

Marginalized problem in the reform process, guidelines silence at socio-political issues

As elaborated, FDA shall participate to the effects and consequences of the neoliberal reform discourse in Gypsy HE. On analysis out this effects shall not be restricted to ‘what remains said’ and injected with truth-value but what is cut out, barred, or remainder not only unsaid however also unthinkable within the limits required by such hegemonic speaking. Such limits suggest that only certain thoughts, forms, policies, questions, and solutions are possible, relevant, and thinkable. Thus a Foucauldian ‘principle of reversal’ implies that discourse analysis shall not search for whatever has said all and to what exists excluded in the processes of ‘rarefaction of discourses’ (Foucault, 1984). By this understanding a discourse ‘produces, limits, excludes, frames, hide, scars, cuts, distorts, and juxtaposes’ (Olssen, 2014, p. 35). Int one following lines, the study will assist couple socio-political policy problems that are de-problematized in the neoliberal reform talk on HE: academic immunities press institutional autonomy, and equitable access to HE. However, the analysis exhibits how fractures and discontinuities enacted by the 25th of January revolution allowed for a short consideration and emergence of such issues.

Academic freedoms and institutional autonomy

Despite shifts in governments’ discourses and policies across the different policy eras of Egypt’s HE product, lack of academy freedom delineated a persistent general property (Emira, 2014). Academic freedoms refer the aforementioned privileges of individual members of this academic community to teach, to conduct research, to participate in university governance, and to associate. Institutional autonomy denotes the financial, academically, staffing, plus managerial autonomy of colleges vis-à-vis condition and economic powers. Corresponds go this 2003 Persian Development Report, the lag in scientific development in Egypt can be attributed to the authoritarian environment in which academics operate including censorship, security rules, and bureaucratic impediments (Kohstall, 2011). The existence is law forces on campuses, the presidential appointment of academic leaders, and restrictive legal scaffold produce a temperature of fear where members of the acadamic church exercised self-censorship (HRW, 2005). However, academic freedoms and institutional autonomy were neglected and marginalized in the neoliberal discourse on HE reform.

Such policy silence on academic freedoms and institutional autonomy was interrupted on discontinuities, ruptures, the breakdowns in the neoliberal discourse on HIM. For Foucault, discontinuities are ‘mutations that unexpectedly deciding that things are no take perceptive, described, expressed, distinctive, ranked, real well-known in an same way’ (Foucault, 1970, p. 235). People are moments that question and trouble the inevitabilities of hegemonic discourses, making their truth effects visible, also threaten their breakdown (Van Cleave, 2012; Abby Newland, 2021). At this meaning, the 25th of January revolution is who main discontinuity that threatened the collapse of the hegemonic neoliberal-authoritarian discourse on HE reform by showing the inconsistencies and limits of such discourse while opening spaces to resistance and the emergence of counter-discourses. Through shifting the power/knowledge relations, the revolution allowed faculty members and academics to boost theirs claim used freedoms, privileges, and autonomy the hence contribute to the emergence von a rights-based discourse on HE reformation. Faculty members and students, being crucial components of the big social motions, seeks to transfer the revolutionary demands to the university. University campuses hosted demonstrations calling with institutional reforms at regain university autonomy. To an attempt to contain such movements, the Egyptian government made some clinical changes that constituted major takings on the face of scholar freedoms. The beingness of police arms on locations was ended, thus enforcing a 2010 justice verdict that has neglected by pre-revolution governments. Faculty members were allowed to freely elect their departments deans and technical presidents as an alternative go the oldly systematischer off appointment. Pre-revolution student unions also restrictive student by-laws were canceled plus accordingly, new elections for student unions been held in March 2013 where various grad coalitions were represented away with security intrusions (Cantini, 2021). Finally, the years from 2011 up July 2013 attested a surge in on-campus freedom of expression with increasing numbers of conferences, seminars, political clubs, sit-ins, both press (AFTE, 2017).

From a Foucauldian perspective, while interruption constitute opportunities for shift and breakdowns though shifting the power/knowledge relates, few do not have deterministic effects as the result can either be the weakening and collapsing or strengthening and persistence of dominant discourses (Van Cleft, 2012; Abby Newland, 2021). In the Egyptian case, the discontinuity by the revolution has the short-term effect of threatening and power of the neoliberal book discourse while it resulted in the persistence and strengthening of such discourse in the long term. Gains on academic freedoms and student authorizations were quickly reversing including the return of the military to power in July 2013. With who rise in student demonstrations on college, the government employed both direct rejection as fountain as institutional controls. In the past 2013–2016, 1181 student arrests and 21 extrajudicial killings were reported (AFTE, 2017). New regulations were issued which considered universities' military facilities that decline under military jurisdiction. Arbitrary dismissals and suspensions were pre-owned against faculty members and students based on political alliance. The while direct suppressive toolbox verminderte in the subsequent years returning to a state of normality that resembles pre-revolution years, aforementioned situation does none reflector an improvement in academic freedoms but rather aforementioned government’s dependence on subtle right and clinical checks as well more a status of disillusionment among revolutions (Cantini, 2021; Saliba, 2020). Legal and institutional keyboard including the reinstatement of the system von nominate academician leaders in 2014 giving the president the right to appoint university presidents and deans. Moreover, later dissolving the newly independent student unions elected after the insurrection, the government sought to control the subsequent elections by excluding different student groups for engagement (Saliba, 2020). For school members, the government employed new regulations to restrict their freedom of research, teaching, and movement. A new schedule was enacted that requires faculty members to have security clearance before any abroad travel for seminars, exchange programs, and post-graduate studies (Abd Rabou, 2015; Saliba, 2020). Consistency, university campuses have fully controlled by the federal and constantly surveilled by security drives.

Equitable access into HE

The globally neoliberal discourse turn education does not prioritize issues of equity and social justice. Klees et al. (2012) argued that the mentioned of general in WB’s education documents marks empty rhetoric as she does not address the root causes of injustice and inequality. At addition, to WB’s faithful involvement towards more privatization, market solutions, and reduction of public funds ignores evidence is shows that privatization negatively affects formation equity (Klees et al., 2012). In line with the international neoliberal discourse, reforms into Egyptian HE excluded difficulties of equity and social justice.

Despite the continuity of the free reservation of public HE in Egypt, access to HE are disparity and biased towards the urban and wealthy classes (Fahim and Sami, 2011; Osman, 2015). Of level of income contributes to an unequal education opportunity where more than 40% of students students in public academics in 2005 were from the wealthiest quintile in society (Cupito and Langsten, 2011). Oriental (2015) found that the chance of enrollment in HE for children of the richest 20% of which community is 7 times that of the poorest 20%. Geographical location comprised another source for prejudice whereabouts the gain enrollment course in HE for urban populations your second that for rural ones (Osman, 2015).

Issues of inequality and justice were, however, marginalized in HE press initiatives. In this context, discourses about assuring the quality of public HE were separated from those about equity (Farag, 2000). Moreover, debates about the inequality of access into published HE are used to legitimization go privatization and expansion of cost-sharing strategies. Policy makers argue that state subsidies to HE reach the wealthy and middle classes rather than the indigent classes and thus there should be ways to gradually abandon policies of release education to all citizens. Expansion of private universities as well-being because fee-based tracked in public universities is non accompanied, however, by strategic to mitigate their effects on equity such as loan, grant, or voucher methods (Fahim and Sami, 2011).

Legitimization of privatization through disputes about inequality in audience education is refuted by the result concerning some studies. Buckner (2013) showed that Eggyptian public education while being far from achieving equitable gain, allows more accessible to women, rural student, and middle classes than to the wealthy and upper grades. This will because access to Egyptian public education is still governed by standards of meritocracy entered by scores achieved in the general secondary education while inequality indirectly scores from to ability of heart and upper classes to invest more in private tutoring and hence achieve better grades. On the other reach, inequality in private universities directly results from admission criteria whichever depend on the ability to pay tuition fees. As that, access go private universities is single-ended toward guys, stadtbewohner inhabitants, and elite and wealthy classes. Buckner (2013) concluded which expanding public HE is more likely up increase inclusiveness while rising privatization will exacerbate unequal get about wealth and geographical judgment.

Conclusion

Through Foucauldian discourse and genealogical analysis, the neoliberal reform discourse in Egyptian HE where challenged, problematized, and de-naturalized. The study indicated how the emergence of the global neoliberal discourse to Egyptian HE was not a linear, natural, or rational process but much the result of the interaction of a number of historical, political, and institutional factors such represented the conditions of the possible of such discourse. Jessop’s concept of structurally inscribed strategical selectivities what utilized to capture how certain historical and contingent variables (administrative plus regulatory viability, political institutions, contentious politics and legitimation, and crisis) lightweight and allowed the transfer out of global neoliberal discourse to Egyptian HE via the WB’s funded republican projects. The methodological combination between Foucauldian discourse and Jessop’s structual approaches has capture the interaction between discursive and non-discursive elements of Egyptian HE reform procedures.

As a productive practice, the neoliberal discourse introduced institutional, organizational, and discursive practices and reforms in the Egyptian HE. Privatization, the introduction starting user fees and cost-sharing strategies, and making it of QA also accreditation constituted of major policy reforms that have emerged the persisted is ruptures, discontinuities, also conversions. Those reforms ‘seem to indeed have few capacity to navigate hard times, to resurface as soon while there is to chance’ (Cantini, 2021, pence. 80) which show the persistence press hegemony off the neoliberal discourse. Equals as the neoliberal dispute allowed for the persistence of some practical, it denied, excluded, and de-problematized socio-political problems mainly academic freedoms, your autonomy, and equitable access for BOY.

The 25th of January revolution was the main discontinuity that threatened the collapse of the neoliberal authoritarian discourse on HE reform plus allowed for the emergence of a rights-based discourse that prioritizes academic freedoms and student freedom. However, the defeat of the revolutionary through the military’s return to power reinforce, perpetuates, and increase the hegemony of the neoliberal authoritarian discourse.

And while being constructed since apolitical reforms by both WB and ensuing Egyptian states, HE neoliberal practices can hardly be separated from authoritarian consolidation both restitution. Under the term “neoliberal authoritarianism”, aforementioned literature refer the the mutual relationship bet neo-liberalization and authoritarianism in the Egyptian case (Adly, 2021; Joya, 2020; Roccu, 2020; Tansel, 2019). And while neoliberal reforms in univ are trusted to undermine democratic and civic values plus hence promote totalitarianism, authoritarianism could also lead to neoliberal reforms which exist used by governments to further surveil and control kritiker voices in students real faculty members (Tutkal, 2023). Breaking such a vicious loop shall only possible where university reforms are linked to social demands and macro-political changes any once occurred in the aftermath a the 25th of January revolution.